On May 3rd, 1951, NAACP Attorneys, Oliver Hill and Spottswood Robinson held a mass meeting in Farmville's First Baptist Church in order to propose the idea of school integration as a means to achieve educational equality. Ten days had passed since Barbara Johns and Carrie Stokes had called the Richmond office of the NAACP in the immediate wake of the student strike at R.R. Moton High School. Oliver Hill initially dismissed their request to represent the students' case, and he encouraged them to go back to school. Joy Cabarrus Speakes, a student striker and subsequent Brown plaintiff, recalled that the NAACP “ignored it [at first] because they figured it was just young students... and nothing would be done." Barbara and Carrie responded to this setback by writing a letter imploring the NAACP to take their case. Hill and Robinson were both impressed by the seriousness and dedication of the Moton students. A few days later, they decided to make a brief detour in Farmville on their way to another desegregation case in Pulaski County.
Mrs. Speakes recalls how the NAACP became involved in the student movement
The Moton students had previously sought the advice and guidance of Reverend L. Francis Griffin who also served as the President of the local chapter of the NAACP. Reverend Griffin arranged for the students to meet with the attorneys in the basement of the First Baptist Church where he served as pastor. As the leader of Farmville's black community, Reverend Griffin was able to build additional support for the student cause. In addition to serving the religious needs of the black community, his church also provided the infrastructure for the movement that followed. Joy Speakes recalled that, “the parents were very strong in faith, and faith played a lot in the support of [the students in Farmville]." As W.E.B. Du Bois wrote in 1903, “the Negro church of today is the social centre of Negro life in the United States, and the most characteristic expression of the Negro character.”
The NAACP attorneys originally planned to tell the student strikers that they were no longer taking school equality cases, but the resolve of the student leaders convinced them to take a chance on Farmville. Spottswood Robinson recalled, "the students handled themselves so well and morale was so high, we didn’t have the heart to say no." Hill and Robinson agreed to take the case on the condition that the students change their demands from "separate but equal" schools to the integration of public schools in general. This reflected a shift in NAACP strategy to overturn Plessy v. Ferguson by arguing that segregation per se was unconstitutional. Reverend Griffin and the student strike leaders agreed to the terms, but they were unsure of how the black community would respond to such a radical proposal.
The NAACP attorneys originally planned to tell the student strikers that they were no longer taking school equality cases, but the resolve of the student leaders convinced them to take a chance on Farmville. Spottswood Robinson recalled, "the students handled themselves so well and morale was so high, we didn’t have the heart to say no." Hill and Robinson agreed to take the case on the condition that the students change their demands from "separate but equal" schools to the integration of public schools in general. This reflected a shift in NAACP strategy to overturn Plessy v. Ferguson by arguing that segregation per se was unconstitutional. Reverend Griffin and the student strike leaders agreed to the terms, but they were unsure of how the black community would respond to such a radical proposal.
The following night, Lester Banks, the Executive Secretary of the Virginia NAACP, led a mass meeting at Griffin's First Baptist Church. Over a thousand people attended to hear what was being proposed. Banks explained to the crowd, "the problem is that a new colored school will not bring you equality, even if it is built brick for brick, cement for cement, like the white school . . . when colored people are separated, we're stamped with a brand of inferiority. As long as we accept separate schools, we accept a caste system that says we're unfit to sit beside whites. This segregation must not be allowed to continue." The crowd's reaction was so positive, Hill and Robinson planned to return for a second mass meeting to be held on May 3rd.
There was standing room only as an even larger crowd came out to hear from attorneys Oliver Hill and Spottswood Robinson. The atmosphere was electric and morale was noticeably high. When a former Moton Principal, Joseph Pervall, stood up to oppose the new integration strategy, Barbara Johns took to the podium and boldly declared, "Don't let Tom, Dick, or Harry Pervall stop you from supporting us!" The crowd erupted in thunderous applause in support of Barbara and the NAACP. Hill and Robinson ended the meeting by asking the crowd to sign a petition to the white school board for integrated public schools. An overwhelming majority of those in attendance signed. Joy Speakes proudly recalled, “my grandmother was the one that ended up signing for me."
There was standing room only as an even larger crowd came out to hear from attorneys Oliver Hill and Spottswood Robinson. The atmosphere was electric and morale was noticeably high. When a former Moton Principal, Joseph Pervall, stood up to oppose the new integration strategy, Barbara Johns took to the podium and boldly declared, "Don't let Tom, Dick, or Harry Pervall stop you from supporting us!" The crowd erupted in thunderous applause in support of Barbara and the NAACP. Hill and Robinson ended the meeting by asking the crowd to sign a petition to the white school board for integrated public schools. An overwhelming majority of those in attendance signed. Joy Speakes proudly recalled, “my grandmother was the one that ended up signing for me."
When the school board rejected the petition, Hill and Robinson filed the case of Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County. This became the first step in a thirteen year struggle to integrate and equalize the public schools of Prince Edward County. Joy Speakes noted that, "the churches really stood behind [the movement]...and the community rallied together around its faith and places of worship. In addition, there was a huge national impact, as the concept of the desegregation of schools was broadcasted louder than ever before." Three years later, the Davis case was combined with four other school desegregation cases and was argued before the Supreme Court as Brown v. the Board of Education.
Mrs. Speakes reflects on the significance of the Brown decision
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Click on the link below to view the full interview with Mrs. Speakes
SOURCES
"Farmville, Virginia - Separate Is Not Equal." Smithsonian National Museum of American History Behring Center. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 May 2017.
Green, Kristen. Something Must Be Done about Prince Edward County: A Family, a Virginia Town, a Civil Rights Battle. New York: Harper Perennial, 2016. Print.
Kluger, Richard. Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America’s Struggle for Equality. New York: KNOPF, 1976.
Smith, R. C. They Closed Their Schools: Prince Edward County, Virginia, 1951-1964. Farmville, VA: Robert Russa Moton Museum, 2008. Print.
Speakes, Joy. Personal Interview. 20 April. 2017.
“There Was Standing Room Only at Farmville School Rally.” The Richmond Afro-American. 12 May 1951: n. pag. Print.
Wallenstein, Peter. Cradle of America: Four Centuries of Virginia History. New York: University of Kansas Press, 2007.
"Farmville, Virginia - Separate Is Not Equal." Smithsonian National Museum of American History Behring Center. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 May 2017.
Green, Kristen. Something Must Be Done about Prince Edward County: A Family, a Virginia Town, a Civil Rights Battle. New York: Harper Perennial, 2016. Print.
Kluger, Richard. Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America’s Struggle for Equality. New York: KNOPF, 1976.
Smith, R. C. They Closed Their Schools: Prince Edward County, Virginia, 1951-1964. Farmville, VA: Robert Russa Moton Museum, 2008. Print.
Speakes, Joy. Personal Interview. 20 April. 2017.
“There Was Standing Room Only at Farmville School Rally.” The Richmond Afro-American. 12 May 1951: n. pag. Print.
Wallenstein, Peter. Cradle of America: Four Centuries of Virginia History. New York: University of Kansas Press, 2007.